OF VOL. III.
A Son's Feelings. -- Ripley. - Georgetown.- Colony of Emancipated Slaves.--Mr. Samuel Gist's Will.-Mormonites.Liberia, by an Eye-witness.--Certificate of Emancipation.Gist's benevolent Intentions defeated..-Return to Cincinnati:-Book of Mormon .... .......... .... 25
Royal Blood.-Free Blacks Wards to Jews.-Character of Slaves.Election Riots,-Loss
of Life.Funeral Procession.- "Caucus" System.Arts of Demagogues.--Last
Day at Philadelphia.--Treatment of English Subjects.--- Clandestine Marriage,"
and Conclusion.. 346
APPENDIX ,., _ 3%5
RESIDENCE AND TOUR,
THE Colonization Society, while its agent was painting the prosperous condition of Liberia, had documents in its possession that would at once have exposed the falsity of the statement. The auxiliary society of Georgetown, in Brown County, (Ohio, who had sent out a Baptist missionary, of the name of Jones, (a colored man,) to inquire into the state of the colony, had, a few months before, received his report, together with another from a convention of the settlers called by the agent of Liberia for the same purpose. A copy of these documents was sent by one of the Lane students, Mr. Wattles, to the Cincinnati Journal. He had procured them from the society's secretary, (Dr. Buckner,) in addition to some letters transmitted to the committee of the Board of Managers of the Presbyterian missions by their agent, Mr. Temple, whom they had sent out to Africa. The journal refused them a place in its columns. All these documents gave a very unfavorable account of the colony. The convention, whose names are appended to the report, state, among other things, that the settlers, "on their arrival, are placed in public receptacles; and, in almost every instance, their lands are withheld from them till they are over the fever. Consequently, many who do not take the fever for several weeks, and are anxious to do something, but not having their lands assigned them, turn their attentions to traffic; and those who are disposed to do nothing, let themselves down, depending upon what they get from the public stores. The fever now takes them, and is of such a nature that it generally brings on a train of diseases, and is also calculated to produce indolence in almost every case. About the time they are half through with the fever, the six months are expired, and they are turned out of doors, sick, weak, and debilitated; and, from the loss of friends and relatives, many are broken-hearted, and are thus brought to an untimely grave. Others are so discouraged, as to have no inclination to help themselves, and consequently so many afflicted widows and orphans become burthensome upon society. Mr. Jones says, in his report, that "there are hundreds there who would rather come back and be slaves, than stay in Liberia." "Of all misery, and all poverty, and all repining, that my imagination had ever conceived," --such are his words, --"it never had reached what my eyes now saw, and my ears heard. Hundreds of poor creatures, squalid, ragged, hungry, without employment, --some actually starving to death, and all praying most fervently that they might get home to America once more. Even the emancipated slave craved the boon of returning again to bondage, that he might once more have the pains of hunger satisfied. They would sit down and "tell us" (he was accompanied by another missionary) "their tale of suffering and of sorrow, with such a dejected and woe-begone aspect, that it would almost break ones heart. They would weep as they talked of their sorrows here, and their joys in America; and we mingled our tears freely with theirs. This part of the population included, as near as we could judge; two-thirds of the inhabitants of Monrovia." "I was particularly requested", he adds, "by some of the most respectable citizens, to, disabuse the American public on the present condition of the colony, and fearlessly to state the facts as they exist. For the agents who have been here, said they, have done as much harm by giving more flattering accounts than the truth would warrant; and by this means have induced many to come, who ever have been, and ever will be, a burthen to themselves and the colony. Others again, who were in good circumstances in America, and might live in the first style in the colony, have been so deceived by these agents, that they have returned home perfectly sickened with disappointment."
Speaking of the natives, he says, they are treated like slaves. "All the colonists, who can afford it, have a native or two to do their work. The natives never go into the house, but always eat and sleep in the kitchen. When they go to the door to speak to the master, they always take their hats off, and appear as though they desired to be very submissive." Yet these unfortunate colonists are made to say, in a circular addressed by them to their brethren at home, and published by the Colonization Society, that they were "grateful to God and their American patrons, for the happy change which had taken place in their situation." Eels, we have been told, do not suffer when they are flayed alive, because they are used to it. The cook has never asserted that they thanked her.
The document I have before quoted was brought from Liberia by a person whom I afterwards saw. Part of it I transcribed from a copy lent me by one of the Lane students. It came from "a convention of the citizens of Liberia, called by order of the agent of the American Colonization Society, for the purpose of inquiring" into the actual state of the colony.
"In answer," they say, "to the inquiry made of the total neglect of agriculture, we would briefly remark that much depends upon the location of the newly arrived emigrants. The early settlers of the colony were located on Cape Mesurado; --a thirsty barren rock, unproductive, and on which nothing can be raised to any extent, and on which expedition after expedition was continued to be located for several years --which was very essential, as the colony was then surrounded by thousands of heathen enemies. So far agriculture, was neglected through necessity. During this time, the settlers of course turned their attention to trading. The population being small, the supplies from the natives were sufficient to serve them: therefore, the necessity of farming was not felt. This caused a total neglect, till the settlement of Caldwell was established. By this time the settlers, who were successful in trade, were so bound by their interests in mercantile pursuits, that farming to them could not be an object; and those who were unsuccessful, had neither courage nor means to attempt to farm. Caldwell being now settled, where the land is fertile, better things might have been expected; but the misfortune is, the people located there were generally poor, and in indigent circumstances --whose expectations were raised to so great a height by flattering reports before they left the United States, that they were induced to believe that they were going to a country in which they would enjoy a liberty attended with little or no difficulty in acquiring the common comforts of life. Now, on their arrival, they are placed in public receptacles; and in almost every instance their lands are withheld from them, &c.", till they become "burthensome upon society,"
The report recommends that land should be apportioned to the emigrants as they arrive. "The emigrants would not then be forced into the swamps, as they now are, to get lumber to sell, in order to support a starving family. This unprofitable and health-destroying employment had destroyed many and would destroy more." In another passage they say: --"Monrovia, our first and capital settlement, can only appear a town of considerable size, when delineated on the map. There its fine churches, its Lancasterian schools, and its market, and its forts, are shewn to great advantage; but, upon inspecting, the originals appear as dark shades. The cause, which we would assign, is, the want of a colonial coin." Signed by the convention. The last paragraph, as well as the whole style of this report, shews clearly that it was written with great caution, and under an apprehension of giving offence to the authorities at home. It affords, however, sufficient evidence, that the grossest fraud and mismanagement prevail, both in the colony and in the board of managers.
There is no State in the Union that has carried its enmity to these people so far as Ohio. In the public burying-ground, or "Potter's Field," as it is called, at Cincinnati, the difference of position, in which the bodies below are laid, points out the difference of complexion by which they were distinguished while living. The pride of the white man pursues its victim even beyond the grave. The one lies from East to West: the other, from North to South. I visited the spot with a benevolent Quaker, Mr. Davis, to whom I am indebted for many civilities. I saw the unchristian distinction amid all that is calculated to humble the pride of man: and I wished that the shame of Cincinnati might be known in every village of Europe. None but the poor and destitute are buried in this humiliating manner; as those who can scrape together a few dollars, would rather purchase a few feet of earth in some cemetery than submit to the supposed degradation of interment in the Potter's Field. It is thus that the corporation of the city unites with the legislature of the State, in pandering to the popular superstition; and the ingenuity of malice is racked to make life and death equally ignominious to its object: as if "the wicked" would not "cease from troubling," nor the weary be permitted to "be at rest" even in "narrow house."
The ignominious mode of interment, to which the poor among this neglected race are subject, is deeply felt by them. A young man, speaking to me upon the subject, said, with tears in his eyes, "I was much shocked to find, on my return to the city after a short absence, that one of my female relatives had been buried in this way. I visited the spot, and saw the grave: it cut me to the heart, we could and would have raised enough among ourselves to bury her decently, but it was too late." Another observed to me, that he had often been insultingly told by the whites that there would be a separate place in heaven for him and his people. --"But," added the man, "I always tell them we shall have a good boss in the next world --not a white boss."
It was in the year 1807 that the act, disqualifying colored persons from giving evidence, where whites are concerned, was passed, to the eternal dishonor of the State. It is therein expressly provided, that "no black or mulatto person shall hereafter be permitted to be sworn or give evidence in any court of record or elsewhere in this State, in any cause depending, or matter of controversy, where either party to the same is a white person; or in any prosecution which shall be instituted in behalf of this State against any white person."
Mr. Davis related to me an instance of human depravity, almost unequalled in the annals of crime. He was personally acquainted with the parties. It occurred in Virginia thirty or forty years ago: and the legal proceedings to which it gave rise, are now upon record. An orphan girl was indentured as an apprentice, to a man of the name of Jones, who died insolvent before the term, for which she was bound, had expired; and a Scotchman, (Hook,) a creditor of the deceased, got possession of her. She was a white woman. Hook, however, treated her as a slave, and compelled her to marry, or rather to cohabit with, a negro, by whom she had several children. The whole affair was subsequently brought into a court of justice; and, after a long and tedious litigation, the mother and the offspring were declared free. Whether the action was of a civil or a criminal nature, --whether any damages were awarded, or any punishment inflicted, --I was unable to learn. It is not very likely, however, that either the judge or the jury would be very severe against an act, which I have erroneously termed unequalled, as they were, probably, in the habit of committing it, directly or indirectly, themselves; --with this difference only, that compulsion, in their case, has the sanction of law, and is not exercised upon white women. After all, the children would have obtained but the mother's freedom. The father's disabilities would remain with them for life, and, perhaps, still longer.
This woman, whose name is Pagee, often comes to Cincinnati, in the neighborhood of which she lives. She had borne a white child, before her forced connexion with the slave; and her master, whose name he now bears, is thought to have been the father. According to a MS. narrative Mr. Davis shewed me "It is supposed the degraded condition of his mother and her children, induced him to leave them, when their situation was known, to remove to the Western country; where his qualifications for usefulness have procured him an office of honor and profit. His mother, having passed the prime of her life in slavery, and being destitute of the means of subsistence, and probably looking to this son for support in her declining years, followed him to the West; but it is believed, they never have recognized each other in the relation in which they stand to each other. Her daughter Charlotte had been taken into the family of General Jessup; and, when he passed through Cincinnati some years ago, she, with great care and difficulty, sought out her mother, and with much delicacy and filial tenderness, obtained a private interview with her, and kindly offered to administer to her wants."
Before I left Cincinnati, I obtained a copy of the advertisement, which was published in the newspapers relative to the security required of the free blacks. It is as-follows:
"The undersigned, trustees and overseers of the poor of the township of Cincinnati, hereby give notice, that the duties required of them by the act of the General Assembly of Ohio, entitled an act to regulate black and mulatto persons, and the act emendatory thereto, will hereafter be rigidly enforced; and all black and mulatto persons, now residents of the said Cincinnati township, and who have emigrated to and settled within the township of Cincinnati, without complying with the requisitions of the first section of the amended act aforesaid, are informed, that unless they enter into bond, as the said act directs, within thirty days from this date, they may expect, at the expiration of that time, the law to be rigidly enforced. And the undersigned further insert herein, for the information of the Cincinnatï township, the third section of the emendatory act aforesaid, as follows: --that, if any person, being a resident of the State, shall employ, harbor, or conceal any such negro, or mulatto person aforesaid, contrary to the provisions of the first section of this act, any person so offending, shall forfeit and pay, for every such offence, any sum not exceeding 100 dollars, the one half to the informer, and the other half for the use of the poor of the township in which such person may reside, to be recovered by action of debt, before any court having competent jurisdiction; and, moreover, be liable for the maintenance and support of such negro or mulatto; provided he or they shall become unable to support themselves.
" The co-operation of the public is expected in carrying these laws into full effect.The public took the hint; and the outrage detailed in the preceding volume, was perpetrated."WILLIAM MILLS, Trustees
BENJAMIN HOPKINS, of the
GEORGE LEE, Township.
June 29th, 1829."
The person, for whom I brought a letter from his brother in Washington, was a man, who would have been looked up to in any other country for his good sense and pleasing manners. He had just received a printed circular, addressed to the people of his race, by the editor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, an active and able advocate of the black man, when he had few friends. The letter was written in Mexico; and the writer (Lundy) stated that he had had a personal communication with the government of that country, and that he had reason to believe a grant of land in the Texas would be made, for the reception of colored people from Tennessee. What a reverse and retaliation of fortune! The descendants of the bigoted Spaniards are more tolerant than the descendants of the liberal English! While the latter are driving away their own subjects, the former offer them an asylum! The policy, however, that impoverished Spain and enriched England, was dictated by the spirit of the age and the religion of the country: that which is now strengthening Mexico, at the expense of the United States, is opposed to both.
The following sketch of what may be seen in Louisiana I had from an eye-witness, whom I met with at Cincinnati, and whose veracity I have no reason to doubt. Slaves for sale at New Orleans are publicly exposed at the mart, or auction-room; the men ranged on one side, and the women on the other. Purchasers are in the habit of examining the mouth and the limbs, in the same way that a horse is subjected to the scrutinising touch of the buyer. The joints are tried, and turned, to see if they are strong and supple. Should the back, or shoulders, or any other part of the body, exhibit marks of frequent or severe flogging, the "animal"' is set aside, as rebellious and refractory. Twice a week, an exhibition takes place, during the season; and the human cattle are paraded through the streets, decently dressed, and in regular file, to attract customers. While at work in the streets, or on the banks of the river, they are frequently chained together by the ancle --women as well as men. Sometimes they wheel barrows on the road with a chain and a heavy ball at the end of it, affixed to one of their legs. The ball they place, when they can, in the barrow, as a temporary relief from the burthen. They work during the heat of the day, and few of them are decently clothed or suffciently fed. They are usually allowed an hour for dinner, which consists of rice and bullock's head. Something is given them to eat before they start, at an early hour, and when the toils of the day are over. On the Red River, a peck of corn a-week is the allowance for each. They must grind it and cook it themselves.
On the cotton plantations, they are half naked, and avoid, with feelings of shame and confusion, the gaze of the traveller. No exemption from toil is granted to the females, many of whom, while suckling their infants, are prohibited from seeing them till their return at night. Individuals, of both sexes and of all ages, may often be seen with iron collars, from which spikes of six inches' length protrude, round the neck, as a punishment for stealing*.
That they do steal and will steal, they make no scruple to acknowledge and avow: they must steal or starve. The number of Virginians imported by the "soul-drivers" is so great, that it is supposed there must be, annually, nearly 10,000 sent to the Southern market by the "Old Dominion." Such is the substance of what was related to me; and there is no lack of testimony from other quarters to corroborate the statement. The iron collars alluded to are of such a nature that the wearer cannot lie down. He sleeps sitting up. Such was the statement made to Mr. Elizar Wright by a slave from Georgia --the property of a minister of the gospel, who had himself directed the overseer to put it on a man for running away. The evidence was corroborated, as far as it could be, by Mr. Joshua Coffin of Philadelphia.
* I If any person or persons, &c., shall cut or break any iron chain or collar, which any master of slaves should have used in order to prevent the running away or escape of any such slave or slaves, such person, &c., so offending shall, on conviction, &c., be fined not less than 200 dollars nor exceeding 1000 dollars; and suffer imprisonment for a term, not exceeding two years, nor less than six months." --Act of Louisiana Assembly, 1819. Severity of punishment measures extent of crime. What then must be the amount of suffering which prompted the offence, and that of cruelty which suggested the repression?
It has been asserted by those who have an interest in concealing the truth, or are too indolent to seek it, that the slave has neither the inclination nor the ability to provide for himself, and that to give him freedom would be to misapply kindness by injuring its object. I had abundant opportunity of submitting these assertions to the only test, by which their accuracy can be ascertained; and I can honestly declare, that an impartial induction from indisputable facts has led me to an opposite conclusion. I conversed freely and frequently with many of those who had passed immediately from bondage to freedom, and were pursuing the same course of industry, which had purchased them the blessing of the transition. I found them as intelligent, civil, and attentive to the duties required of them in their several employments and relations of life, as any of those who are neither disfranchised of their natural rights, nor exposed to the scorn and bad passions of their neighbors. While visiting at their houses, I remarked as much concern for each other's welfare as I have ever found in any other rank or order of society, and a much greater attention to the civilities and courtesies of society than I ever saw among their white fellow countrymen. Though they are under the necessity, in consequence of their civil disqualifications, of securing themselves against fraud by the presence of a white person, whenever they make a bargain with a member of the favored caste, there is no proof that honesty or punctuality is wanting on their side. That they suffer from the want of both in the other party is too often the case, and is naturally to be expected while men are disposed to take advantage of the law's injustice.
On entering one of their houses, with almost the only white companion I could have found --one of the students, --my attention was particularly directed to the respectable appearance of the mistress, an elderly woman, --and the unaffected ease with which she received us. She had the manners and good-breeding of a gentlewoman. Her husband, who had been emancipated by his owner, had bought her freedom, and that of her children, for the sum of 1375 dollars. It was after much solicitation, and a considerable lapse of time, that he succeeded in his object, as her master retained her in bondage with the view of enhancing her price, till she had had seven children. The husband was obliged to borrow part of the money; and he who is not, in a free State, believed on his oath, had his bond for 250 dollars accepted in a slave State. The wife and the children were, all this time, maintained by him, and he received no deduction or remuneration whatever on that account.
While we were at tea, I was much distressed by the mistress of the house declining to take any thing. As I suspected the reason, I prevailed upon her, at last, to partake of "her own labors," and share in the good things she had provided for us. I told her it was most painful to me to be distinguished in a manner that to an European mind conveyed the feelings of self reproach and humiliation. I was so ashamed and embarrassed by her deference to the folly of my own race, that it was some time before I could make up my mind to ask an explanation involving such odious associations, and intreat that I might be exempted from the observance of an usage that I utterly loathe and abominate.
She assured me, while speaking of Liberia, that she had never known nor heard of a slave, who would not prefer remaining in his native land, if he could be free, to a settlement in any other country. This I had often heard from others; and nothing but a complete disregard for truth, or, unthinking credulity, can assert or believe the contrary. My companion and I were ridiculing the bugbear of "amalgamation," when he told me that a justice of the peace had mentioned, in his presence, the circumstance of his having married four white men to colored women in the course of one winter. There is a practising physician in Cincinnati, who has taken unto himself a wife from this degraded caste; not agreeing with the general opinion, that a connexion of this sort is made culpable by the matrimonial, tie, and excusable without it.
Among the persons we visited during the evening, was a man between fifty and sixty years of age. He had given 1,200 dollars --the fruits of hard work and strict economy, for himself, his wife, and his children. To compass this object of his fondest wish required no less than sixteen years: during which time he had to support the whole family himself, and pay his master annually 120 dollars --the sum stipulated for his hire as a bricklayer and plasterer. He contrived to give his children a good education. Part of the money he paid his master, was advanced to him by some of his white friends, who were induced, at his earnest solicitation, to purchase his wife, when she was put up to auction with her children, to pay her master's debts. This part of the story he related in the presence of his wife, with great feeling and simplicity of manner. He discharged all his debts with interest. A certificate of character, which he put into my hands, from several of the principal inhabitants of Lewisburgh in Virginia, was signed by about sixty persons, among whom were the mayor and recorder of the city. Higher testimony to good conduct, than this document presented, few men can obtain, whether black or white --whether in America or in Europe. Yet this certificate would be a piece of blank paper in any court of Ohio justice. Evidence, that would be taken, without it, in Louisiana, would be rejected, with it, here, though backed by fifty others from every State in the Union.
So far is it from being true that self-respect is a feeling almost unknown to all of African descent, that I have never seen more indications of its influence on any men of any class or of any country, than among these very people: and I believe this favorable opinion is entertained by all who have seen as much of them. My companion, who was one of those that had undertaken the care of the "colored schools," lived almost exclusively among this part of the population, as it was pretty plainly intimated to him, that his visits would not be acceptable elsewhere, In making our calls, he took me, at my request to see a man, who had been indebted to his Herculean strength and extraordinary courage, for his escape from an attempt made by some ruffians to take him by force out of his house. He was a freed slave from Kentucky, and was serving as a cook at one of the hotels. His whole history, with the details of the brutal outrage, I had from his own mouth. The facts are well known to the inhabitants of Cincinnati.
I may preface the narrative by stating that he was a short sturdy man about thirty years of age, with a frame of adamant and a heart of invincible bravery. A form more adapted for feats of agility and athletic exercise, I never beheld. Mendoza, though taller, never, with all his boasting, could produce such an arm. He was a model of manly strength and perfect proportions. His master, who knew his value, and dreaded the effects of his resolution, had often promised to set him free; and, at last, as an inducement to remain with him, had entered upon record a grant to him of fifty acres of land, rented at two dollars an acre --to be made over to him when he should obtain his freedom. He had, though a mere lad, accumulated, by working extra hours, a considerable sum of money; and his master, wanting cash to complete a purchase he had made, was induced to sell him his freedom for 650 dollars. Having surmounted all the obstacles that were thrown in his way, he, at last, procured the legal proofs of his freedom, and set off, with his papers, for Ohio. On the road thither, he was attacked by three men, who seized him by the shoulders, and attempted to detain him. He threw them from him on the ground; and, running to the river, near which the assault had been made, he leaped into a boat, and crossed over to the other side.
Having resided some years in Cincinnati, he was, one night in the winter of 1833, aroused, while in bed with his wife, by a noise at the door. Thinking, however, that it was occasioned by, some drunken men, he paid little attention to it. "Had I known what was coming," said he, "I could have killed every one of them." Efforts had often been made to induce him to return to Kentucky; but he was not prepared for the sort of persuasion that was now to be used with him. His bed-room door was burst open, and fourteen men rushed in, headed by a person of the name of Samuel Goodin --lately appointed by the Judges, and rejected by the proper authorities, as Clerk to the County Court. They called out that they would have him dead or alive. He had but just time to leap from his bed, when, seizing a chair, he knocked two of them down; and, though severely wounded by their dirks in both arms, in the ribs, and in the intestines, made his escape down stairs, pursued by the gang into the yard. Here he discovered that his bowels were protruding from one of the wounds; when he supported them, as well as he could, with one hand, and, stooping down, laid hold with the other of a log of wood. With this weapon he laid about him so effectually, that he felled no less than seven of them to the ground.
In the mean time, (the whole combat lasted from one till two o'clock,) the wife, and a female cousin, who was in the house at the time, had borne their share in the fight, and had collected the neighbors by their screams for succor. No one ventured to rescue them; as the number of the assailants, the execrations they uttered, and the brandishing of their dirks and knives, kept every one aloof. At length, in attempting to escape, they broke down the fence; and the victim of their fury, while pursuing them, stumbled upon a stake, and, dragging his intestines after him, fainted away. One man only was secured on the spot, and another was subsequently taken. They were admitted to bail, and are not likely to make their appearance, should they be "wanted." Goodin is also under bail for the assault.
As soon as the field of battle was cleared, and the enemy had fled, every assistance was rendered to the wounded man. He was confined for two or three months; and the expenses he incurred, for medical attendance and proper nourishment, amounted to 140 dollars, not one cent of which has ever been repaid him. The object, in trying to get possession of his person, was to make away with him by violent means, or by sending him to the South. The estate, which his master made over to hire, is still legally his; and though he has never received any rents, he is entitled both to the land and the arrears. Since this occurrence; he has been shot at; and the parties interested have openly expressed their determination to effect his removal, whatever it may cost, or whatever be the mode. I asked him why he did not go to Canada. He smiled, and said he was not afraid of any man; and, though his strength was much reduced, he was fully prepared to repel force by force. The poor fellow was covered with deep scars, and suffered much from atmospheric changes. But he seemed to care little about the attack, and still less to dread its renewal. He was altogether a very extraordinary man. Neither boast nor threat escaped his lips. He knew the white man was his enemy; and he despised him too much to fear him.
A great many slaves, --no less, probably, than 300 every year, pass through Cincinnati on their way to Canada. Their propensity to run away from Kentucky is so well known, that few planters in Mississippi and Missouri will buy them, if they come from that State. This will account for the persecution against the freed men at Cincinnati, who give them an asylum, and speed them on their road to the British provinces; while it affords the owners an additional motive for granting them the privilege of buying what they might take without asking. The process of self-emancipation is, in fact, going on very largely; and the same policy which suggested its, will give it extension, as new converts are made in the North to the doctrines of abolition. It will be found the safest and the easiest way to "back out" of a system, that is fast becoming as odious in one section of the Union as it is destructive in the other.
The vicinity of Ohio has brought into closer contact and contrast the results of slave and of free labor; and Kentucky has seen, in the rapid progress of her neighbor, the causes that retard her own.
hardships to which the disqualifying statute exposes its objects, in such
a mixed population as that of Cincinnati, may be readily conceived. When
the unhealthy season drives away the idle and the wealthy from New Orleans,
those who live by gambling and swindling either follow their prey, or seek
some other quarry. Many come up the river to exercise their trade in the
western metropolis. Here the law supplies them with a "scape goat" in case
of "accidents." It is easy to throw suspicion on those whom it has already
condemned; self-defence is not allowed: and the penitentiary buries within
its walls the crimes of the one party and the wrongs of the other. One
of the latter class, whose master spoke of him to me as a very honest boy,
(" boy" is an expression of kindness, "fellow" of its opposite,) told me
one day that he considered himself very fortunate in never having been
accused of a theft, as many others had been, by the rogues and rascals
who frequented the house.